Friday, December 14, 2007

Mongolia | Gov-Altai Aimag | Eej Khairkhan Uul

Six days after leaving Ülzii Bilegt we were back in Bayan Tooroi, where we checked into the comfortable guest house of the Gobi Protected Area A Administration. There was no running water in the guest house but there is a separate shower building with solar-heated water. The girls washed their clothes, took showers, slathered themselves with a host of creams and unguents, applied their makeup, and emerged with nary a trace of their fourteen days in the Gobi remaining. The next day we went to the famous mountain of Eej Khairkhan Mountain west of Bayan Tooroi.
Eej Khairkhan Uul
I recalled the legend I had heard when I was here several years earlier. It seems that once, a long time ago, Eej Khairkhan was married to Aj Bogd Mountain far off to the southwest. But Aj Bogd was old, his head was topped with white year round, and his wife was not happy. Far off to the northeast she could see Burkhan Buudai Mountain. Burkhan Buudai was so handsome, standing tall and proud against the torquoise sky. Aj Bogd’s wife could not take her eyes off of him. With each passing day she liked Aj Bogd less and felt more and more desire for Burkhan Buudai. Finally she decided she must flee to Burkhan Buudai. But Aj Bogd became suspicious of his wife. Every night after she went to sleep he would hide her deel so she would have nothing to wear if she decided to run away. One night his wife woke and decided the time had come to run off to her heart’s desire. But she could not find her deel. In her haste she put on Aj Bogd Uul’s deel and ran off to Burkhan Buudai. Her husband woke up and saw her fleeing across the desert. In his anger he grabbed a big handful of sand and threw it at her. His deel was much too large for his wife and the hem was dragging on the ground behind her. The sand landed on the tail of the deel and held her down. She could not move. She has remained to this day in her present location halfway between Aj Bogd Uul and Burkhan Buudai Uul. The sand which fell on the tail of her deel can still be seen as the big dunes to the southwest of the mountain. But fate was not entirely unkind. Her past was forgotten and she is now longer remembered as an unfaithful wife. Her beautiful form standing alone in the desert brought succor to countless lonely caravan men who could see her from far off and eventually she became known as Eej Khairkhan (“Mother Dearest”) Mountain.
The two breasts of Eej Khairkhan Uul. The cleft below, in the middle, is thought to be the entrance to her yoni: the two hills on either side of the cleft may be seen as her labia majora.
Strange rock formations at Eej Khairkhan Uul
More strange rock formations
Still more strange rock formations
The most famous natural feature of Eej Khairkhan is a series of nine cascading pools of water known as the Pots.
One of the Pots
The Pots
The Pots
Near the base of the mountain is the hermitage of the monk known as Ravdan. Ravdan, a Torgut Mongol, was a disciple of Dambijantsan’s who lived at Gongpochuan. After Dambijantsan was assassinated in 1923 he came here and settled at Eej Khairkhan Uul. He kept one white horse and one white camel and soon became known as the “Lama with One White Horse and One White Camel,” perhaps an echo of Dambijantsan’s nickname of the “Two White Camel Lama.” Ravdan lived alone at the hermitage he built but there was a woman named Munidari who lived nearby and brought him food everyday. Some say the two got married; others say not. Ravdan died in 1928. Munidari went on living by herself for many years. Ravdan’s hermitage is now a much revered pilgrimage site.
Ravdan’s Retreat
Ravdan’s Retreat
Interior of Ravdan’s Retreat
Uyanga could not contain her exuberance at Ravdan’s Retreat
Mojik cogitating at Ravdan’s Retreat

Wednesday, December 12, 2007

Mongolia | Gov-Altai Aimag | Ülzii Bilegt

Who was Dambijantsan?

A Buddhist monk; a freedom fighter for Mongolian independence; the descendant of Amursanaa (1723–1757), the Western Mongol who led the last great uprising against the Qing Dynasty of China; the incarnation of Mahakala, the Buddhist god of war; bandit, torturer, murderer, or evil incarnate? During his lifetime no one was sure who he really was, and even today the controversy about his life continues.

Born in what is now the Republic of Kalmykia, part of the Russian Federation, Dambijantsen traveled throughout Tibet, India, and China before arriving in Mongolia in 1890 where he tossed gold coins to bystanders and announced to one and all that he had come to free Mongolia from the yoke of the Qing Dynasty of China. After disappearing almost twenty years he returned to lead the attack on Khovd City, the last Chinese outpost in Mongolia. Honored by the Eighth Bogd Gegeen, the theocratic leader of Mongolia, for his efforts in achieving Mongolian independence, he went on to establish his own mini-state in western Mongolia, which he hoped to use as a base for establishing a Mongol-led Buddhist khanate in Inner Asia. His dictatorial nature and unbridled sadism soon came to the fore and he was finally arrested and imprisoned in Russia. After the Russian Revolution he returned to Mongolia, gathered new followers around him, and established a stronghold at the nexus of old caravan routes in Gansu Province, China. He robbed caravans, grew opium, and once again dreamed of creating a new Mongolian khanate in Inner Asia. Finally the new Bolshevik government in Mongolia, fearful of his rising power, issued orders for his assassination. Dambijantsan died in 1922, but in Mongolia legends persist to this day that his spirit still rides on the wind of the Gobi and continues to haunt his former lairs.


For more on Dambijantsan see False Lama of Mongolia: The Life and Death of Dambijantsan


Tuesday, December 11, 2007

Mongolia | Gov-Altai Aimag | Shar Khuls to Ülzii Bilegt

Since we only had 14 mlies to go to Ülziii Bilegt we did not leave our camp at Shar Khuls until ten o’clock. As we rode through the oasis I wondered about the whereabouts of the Gobi bear that is supposed to live at the oasis. Gobi bears are extremely rare. Sükhee says there are perhaps only twenty-five or thirty in the entire south Gobi of Mongolia. One of his jobs as nature preserve ranger is to monitor the Gobi bear population. The Gobi A Nature Preserve also had a program to feed the bears and Sükhee takes part in this, so he knows quite a bit about Gobi bears. The last time I was at Shar Khuls there was a bear here. We encountered its tracks everywhere and saw numerous piles of still steaming dung. The camels were completely spooked and refused to stay in the oasis itself. We had to camp a hundred yards out in the desert. But now there was no sign of the bear. Sükhee says they are extremely elusive and are very seldom seen under normal conditions.
South of Shar Khuls Oasis
We emerged from the southern end of the oasis and continued south through a wide valley. This was the route of famous Amarbuyant Khiid–Anxi caravan route that went past Dambijantsan’s Fortress at Gongpochuan, described to me by Shukee in Shinejinst. At one point we encounter a group of five ovoos. Now ovoos are hardly unusual in Mongolia, but these are the first we have encountered on our trip here in the south Gobi. And they are of strange design. They are no just heaps of rocks like most ovoos but barrel-shaped constructions of fitted rock. The insides of the barrel-like ovoos are filled with sand and gravel. Tsogoo says that local people have never been quite sure who made these ovoos or why, but there has been speculation that they were built by Dambijantsan. Why here at this place remains a mystery.
Ovoos on Amarbuyant Khiid–Anxi caravan route
Trail south
We ride on through a place where the valley narrows. As usual the camel men and the girls and our one pack camel are riding in a bunch out front and I am trailing about one hundred feet behind, fingering my mala as I repeat mantras. As the group passes by a spur of sandstone that protrudes into the valley I notice that everyone suddenly stops. Tsogoo shouts something and jumps off his camel. Mojik shouts at me, “Don, get off your camel!” Mojik, Uyanga, and Sükhee turn their camels to the right and start frantically beating them with their taishirs. Sükhee shouts “Mazaalai,” and then to my utter astonishment I see a huge Gobi bear come loping full speed around the corner of the spur of rock. Tsogoo has his camel by the lead rope and is running off on foot off to the right. My camel has apparently not seen the bear and I jerk its head around to the right and whip it with my taisher. I have to get out the path of the bear. When the bear is no more than seventy or eighty feet from Tsogoo it suddenly stops in its tracks, does a 180º degree turn and runs off over a ridge to the right. I get a good look as it runs away. Gobi bears, known as mazaalai, are not supposed to be big, but this one appeared to be about the same size as a large black bear, lean and rangy, but over four feet high at the shoulders and weighting upward to 300 pounds.
Mazaalai tracks
We regroup near the spur of rock. Tsogoo is so shaken he is hyperventilating. In all their years in the Gobi neither he nor Sükhee had ever had such a close encounter with a bear. “Bad, very bad,“ he keeps muttering. “We could have been killed.” Finally he has to sit down to catch his breath. Mojik keeps saying, “I don't believe this, I don't believe this.” Uyanga has a different take on the encounter: “This is a story to tell my grandchildren.”

Why did Tsogoo jump off his camel, and then tell the others to jump off? I wondered. Mojik explains that he was afraid the camels would see the bear, go completely berserk and throw their riders, maybe right in the path of the bear. He thought we would have a better chance on foot. I for one was going to take my chances on my camel. Oddly, the camels in the group in front never seemed to have seen the bear. I know mine did not. Even more oddly, the wind was blowing straight into our faces. Why had our camels not scented the bear? We spend a half an hour catching our breath, retelling the episode over and over again, and then finally move on.
We regroup after our bear scare
Soon the valley widens into a vast expanse of desert extending off to the southeast. Off to the left is a range of light colored ridges with stark black mountains looming behind. Soon we come to the mouth of a narrow canyon leading into the mountains. Scattered among the gravel outwash from the canyon are trunks and huge roots of tooroi trees, carried here by the torrential flash floods which sometimes occur here in the Gobi. Somewhere up the canyon there has be a stand of tooroi trees. This is the entrance to Dambijantsan’s secret hideout of Ülzii Bilegt. We turn out camels and head into the canyon opening.
Entrance to the canyon leading to Ülzii Bilegt

Monday, December 10, 2007

Mongolia | Gov-Altai Aimag | Shar Khuls Oasis

The next morning we round the easternmost spurs of Zaraa Khairkhanii Nuruu and by ten o’clock we could make out to the southeast the Shar Khulsnii Nuruu. Shar Khuls oasis is somewhere on the northern side of these mountains. I had been to Shar Khuls before, but I had approached the oasis from Amarbuyant Khiid directly from the north. Tsogoo and Sükhee had also been there before, but not by this direct camel route, and now they were not sure where the oasis was. Carelessly I had not bothered to bring the GPS coordinates for Shar Khuls since I did not anticipate any problems finding it. Now we sit on a high ridge and study the Shar Khulnii Nuruu for an hour before making out an opening in the mountains about ten miles away which Tsogoo concludes must be Shar Khuls Oasis. We ride on and an hour later can just make out through binoculars dark patches of vegetation which must be trees. These would be the first trees we have seen since leaving Bayan Toroi 115 miles to the north.

Thus our experience was very similar to that of the Roerich Expedition which arrived at Shar Khuls on May 5, 1927. George Roerich noted in his Trails to Inmost Asia:
“Towards four o’clock in the afternoon . . . we noticed several dark spots at the foot of the mountains and at the entrance into a narrow gorge hidden behind a long spur. Someone in the caravan column cried out ‘Trees!’ We could not believe our eyes, for most of us were firmly convinced that at best, we would see only miserable juniper shrubs. But there in the distance were actual trees, desert poplars (Populus euphratica) that grew along the banks of the river. How refreshing it felt to enter the coolness of the forested gorge, and camp on the green meadows.”
The Roerichs—painter, mystic and hard-core Aghartian-Shambhalist Nicholas Roerich; his wife Elena, who had translated The Secret Doctrine of Madame Blavatsky into Russian; his Harvard educated son and Tibetan translator George; and various factotums—had left India in March of 1925 for what would be a three-year sojourn through Inner Asia. As I noted in an earlier post, “Nicholas Roerich claimed he was looking for inspiration for his paintings, and his son George was supposedly engaged in various ethnological and linguistic researches. From the three books churned out by Nicholas Roerich about the expedition it is pretty clear however that they were actually looking for the kingdom of Shambhala.” It was Madame Blavatsky who in The Secret Doctrine had posited the idea that Shambhala might be found somewhere in the Gobi Desert. (Apparently the Roerichs were not aware of Khamariin Khiid in Dornogov Aimag, now considered by many to be a Portal to Shambhala.) From India they had traveled north into the Tarim Basin in what is now Xinjiang Province, China, visiting the Rawak Stupa near Khotan, and then traveled north to Urumqi, the capital of Xinjiang. After a brief detour to Moscow where they had attempted to entangle the Soviet Secret Police in a plot to establish an actual state modeled on the Kingdom of Shambhala in Central Asia they proceeded first to the Russian Altai Mountains and then to Mongolia, arriving in Ulaan Baatar in September of 1926. Here Nicholas Roerich presented one of his paintings entitled “The Ruler to Shambhala”—this may or may not be painting now known as the Red Warrior in the Zanabazar Fine Arts Museum in Ulaan Baatar—to the Mongolian government. They left Ulaan Baatar by motorized vehicle on April 13, 1927 and arrived at Amarbuyant Monastery in Bayankhongor Aimag a week or so later. Here they hired camels and continued south on their sojourn through Mongolia, China, and Tibet, eventually ending up in Sikkim, India.

A few years earlier I had followed their route from Amarbuyant Khiid to Shar Khuls by Camel, a distance of 105 miles which took six days to cover by camel. This was also the route taken by the 13th Dalai Lama in 1904, when he fled to Mongolia to escape the Younghusband Expedition which had earlier invaded Tibet. The 13th Dalai had himself camped at Shar Khuls Oasis and stayed at Amarbuyant Khiid for ten days.
The northern end of Shar Khuls Oasis
Shar Khuls Oasis
We reach Shar Khuls at three in the afternoon, set up camp on the gravel bars at the northern end of the oasis, and are soon tucking into a big meal of boiled mutton and homemade noodles. The wind has died completely and in the afternoon sun it is quite warm. Compared to the last three days the conditions are downright luxurious. Nearby a spring issues forth a six-inch wide stream of water which flows for maybe one hundred feet before disappearing beneath the sands. This is the main water source for Shar Khuls. Tsogoo, Sükhee, and the girls all decide to wash their hair and get cleaned up.
Sükhee helping Tsogoo with his ablutions
Tsogoo has a nasty bruise on the side of his chest and is still convinced he broke something, probably a rib or two. I had kept him dosed down with prescription painkillers and when these ran out gave him Advil. Oddly, he claims the Advil offers more relief that the supposedly more powerful painkillers. He has Mojik prepare a huge poultice from tea (Yunnan Gold black tea, which I am only too happy to sacrifice to this cause) which he places on the bruise, holding it in place with a wool scarf wrapped around his chest. He says he still has some pain but he will be fine. He even decides he needs a haircut.
Uyanga shearing Tsogoo
Shar Khuls was once the crossroads of two important caravan routes. One ran north-south from Amarbuyant Khiid and across the Black Gobi and Maajin Shan to Anxi in current day Gansu Province. This route passed by Dambijantsan’s Fortress at Gongpochuan. The other route ran east-west from Hohhot in what is now Inner Mongolia, China, to Gucheng (now known as Qitai) on the northern side of the Tian Shan in Xinjiang, China. (I had visited Qitai back in May but could not find a trace of the caravanserai for which the town had once been famous.) Because of its important as a caravan crossroads it had not escaped the attentions of Dambijantsan. George Roerich:
“Situated not far from the Mongol border, the gorge was always a favorite haunt of robbers. Ja Lama maintained outposts here to look after the caravans coming from China, Tibet, and Mongolia. Even after Ja Lama’s death, the gorge was still visited by robber bands. Only a month before our passing a big camel caravan en route for Ku-ch’eng [Qitai] was plundered in the gorge and one of its drivers killed. Our Mongol guides advised us to be very careful and to keep watch in the night.”
Dambijantsan’s hideout while plundering the caravans using these routes might well have been at Ülzii Bilegt, our next destination.
The tooroi trees of Shar Khuls Oasis
At one time Chinese renegades and outlaws from Gansu Province in China had settled here to grew opium. George Roerich says they found the former dwellings of these opium growers at Shar Khuls, but that these Chinese had left some twenty years ago. Yet one of my informants, an eighty-two year old man named Tsedev who now lives near Shinejinst in Bayankhongor Aimag, claims that the opium growers were still there in Dambijantsan’s time. As a young man he had traveled the Amarbuyant Khiid–Anxi caravan route many times and had once lived for awhile at Gongpochuan. He claimed that Dambijantsan, who was opposed to all use of drugs and alcohol, killed the Chinese opium growers at Shar Khuls and destroyed their plants. He said that when he was a young man he saw the skeletons of Chinese killed by Dambijantsan at Shar Khuls.
82 year-old Tsedev of Shinejinst
The 13th Dalai Lama was met here at Shar Khuls by a delegation of the famous chanting monks from Amarbuyant Khiid. They accompanied him by camel for the six day trip to Amarbuyant, chanting all the way.

Later Mojik and I go to check out the Dalai Lama’s Spring, a tiny outflow in a grotto beneath a cliff of basalt. According to local lore the 13th Dalai Lama blessed this spring and prophesied that one day the water from here would serve as a great cure for local people. On my last trip local people had told me that people had in fact started coming here to drink the water in hopes of a cure for a peculiar throat ailment which seems to afflict residents of the south Gobi. Just above the spring is the 13th Dalai Lama’s Ovoo, reputedly built by the 13th Dalai Lama himself.

Mojik getting water from the spring which had been blessed by the 13th Dalai Lama
Ovoo which locals claim was built by the 13th Dalai Lama during his stay at Shar Khuls Oasis
Tsogoo taking the camels to water

Mojik contemplating a bowl of Iron Goddess of Mercy oolong tea.

The Roerichs would later say that Shar Khuls Oasis was the best camping spot they encountered on their entire trip from Ulaan Baatar through Mongolia, China, Tibet and on to Sikkim in the Himalayas. We certainly had a nice stay, but I was eager to move on to Ülzii Bilegt, Dambijantsan’s hideout in the mountains to the south.
Shar Khuls Oasis

Thursday, December 6, 2007

Mongolia | Gov-Altai Aimag | Trail to Shar Khuls

We soon left the flat saxual bush-dominated desert and entered a chain of east-west trending hills composed of crumbling black basalt. There was no vegetation whatsoever. It could have been the surface of moon. And all afternoon the wind had been picking up. By late evening it was blowing a non-stop fifty miles an hour out of the due west. As the sun went down we scanned the horizon for any sign of vegetation. There was none. We rode on in the dark until we came upon a few scraggly foot-high bushes of camel wormwood. The camel men and the girls finally got their tents set up—as usual I sleep out in the open, under the “Big Tent”—and we managed to gather enough pencil-sized twigs of wormwood to heat a pot of tea. Cooking a hot meal was out of the question. We ate bortsog, beslag, and sausage washed down with Yunnan Gold black tea heavily laced with sugar. Tsogoo is quiet but his face seems to have gotten some of its color back. I had given him some painkillers I got a couple of months earlier when I had almost dropped dead on the streets of Beijing from pneumonia and ended up in the Miners’ Hospital there (it specializes in lung problems). He said they helped a lot.
The bleak scene of our camp at sunrise
The wind blew all night and did not relent in the morning. We did not even bother trying to heat a pot of tea. We quickly loaded the camels and moved on. Tsogoo thinks we should be back in the saxual bush desert by noon. We will eat then.
Ready to move on

Moving on . . .
Still moving on . . .
By midmorning we left the black hills and entered a chain of sandstone and light-colored conglomerate ridges. Hidden among the fold of the hills is a small salt lake. I asked Tsogoo if it has a name. He says it does but that the name is never mentioned anywhere near the lake. To do so might offend the Guardian Spirits of the place. He says he will tell me tonight, when we have moved out of the vicinity.
Approaching the unnamed salt lake
Passing the salt lake
The salt lake
We leave the hills and emerge onto the flat Shargiin Gov. Here there are saxual bushes for firewood. Several times that morning I had heard Tsogoo use the word, aav, which mean father. Then I quite clearly hear Tsogoo ask Mojik in Mongolian, “Where does father want to stop for lunch?” What’s he talking about? I asked Mojik. “Well,” said Mojik, we were talking about this on the trail this morning. Tsogoo has decided that we are like a little family traveling together.” Tsogoo said that Uyanga is the mother, always bustling around the campfire preparing food and tea for her brood. Tsogoo himself is the oldest son, in charge of the camels and camp, and Sükhee is his younger brother, always ready to help in any way possible. I, it seems, am the Father. This is a role I have never played before. Tsogoo says I always ride by myself, never saying much, and that when we stop I just throw out my carpet by the campfire and sit quietly by the fire drinking tea, just keeping a watchful eye on the others as if they were my family. I had noticed that I was always served tea and food first before anyone else, but I had assumed this was because I was the oldest in the group. Now it appears I am the Father. “And who are you in this family?” I asked Mojik. “Well,” she said, “it seems like I am the Bad Daughter, because I always get up last and don't help very much with the cooking.“ That was not fair. Getting up last is a traditional perk of translators, and in order to lure her out of her warm nest in Ulaan Baatar into the Gobi Desert in October I had promised her she would not have to help with the cooking. “Oh, don’t worry about it,” she said, “Tsogoo is just joking . . . I think.” She laughs. In her regular life she is the Good Daughter. Maybe she is enjoying a temporary stint as the Bad Daughter. She can always go back to being the Good Daughter later.

After lunch we move on across the Shargiin Gov and by sunset reach the northern foothills of the Zaraa Khairkhanii Nuruu. The wind never ceases for second. Now it is blowing maybe sixty miles an hour. We settle for the night in a ravine running down from the flanks of Zaraa Khairkhanii Nuruu. There are saxual bushes for firewood but the ravine is sandy and our tea, food, and everything else is quickly covered with a fine layer of grit. The others soon retire to their tents. I sleep out in the open, watching first the Big Dipper wheel in the sky and then towards morning brilliant Orion.
Mother Uyanga gulping her tea before it is covered with grit

Tuesday, December 4, 2007

Mongolia | Gov-Altai Aimag | Camel Stampede

Towards evening we reach the northern ramparts of Buuriin Khyar Uul. We follow a ravine up to a pass and walk our camels down to a canyon that opens to the south.
Uyanga leading the camels through the mountains
Mojik taking the lead
At places the narrow defile at the bottom of the canyon is just wide enough to allow our camels to pass. The camels do not like these confined places.
Proceeding through the mountains
They peer anxiously at the overhanging ledges as if expecting some predator to leap down on them. We have to beat them to keep them moving. At one point a camel revolts, starts bucking and throws off Uyanga. She lands in a mass of sharp-edged boulders and could have easily hurt herself. She gets up laughing, brushes the dust off her deel, and we continue. She is one tough woman.

A few kilometers further on the canyon bottom widens to a hundred yards or more. Here the camels are even jumpier. They hold up their noses sniffing the air and keep swiveling their heads around, peering at the surrounding hills. “Chon,” shouts Tsogoo. Wolves. These mountains are notorious for wolves and the camels are sensing their presence, he says. We keep moving on and soon reach the southern edge of the mountains. The suns goes down at 6:54 and I shout to Tsogoo that we should camp. He explains that we must keep moving and camp out on the level desert a few miles away from the mountains. Otherwise the presence of the wolves in the mountains will disturb the camels all night and they won’t rest properly. The moon will not rise until 10:36 and soon we are moving forward in near-total darkness. The four riders and three pack camels go first in a tightly packed bunch and I follow along by myself about fifty feet behind.

I heard a camel snort, Tsogoo shouted something, and suddenly there was pandemonium. All I could see in front of me was a seething mass of rearing, jumping, snorting, bellowing, and shrieking camels. Even in the darkness I clearly saw one body go flying through the air and land with a crash on a dead saxual bush. Then my camel, spooked by the others, threw a fit and started bucking like a bull in a rodeo. I’ve ridden over a thousand miles on camels but I had never experienced an out-of-control camel like this. I was very nearly thrown off, but finally managed to get control of the camel by jerking back on the lead rope until its head touched its front hump and shouting “Ho, ho, ho,” at the top of my lungs. Tsogoo materialized on foot out of the darkness, his mouth and chin black—from blood I suddenly realized, and grabbing my lead rope made my camel kneel. He frantically motioned me to get off the camel, then grabbing the taishir out of my hand leaped on the camel, which immediately jumped up, and then pounded off into the darkness.

Suddenly all was quiet. Peering around in the dark I saw one other camel tied to some saxual bushes. Other than that I was alone. Where were the other riders and camels? I yelled for Mojik but my shouts died in the wind and no one answered. Tsogoo had left on my camel but what about the others? Had their out-of-control camels stampeded off with them still in the saddle? Or had someone been thrown off, injured, and was now unable to answer? I shouted again and still no answer. It was downright eerie.

It had been quite warm at lunch and I had rode on that afternoon in only a shirt and a pile vest. The temperature had dropping rapidly towards evening and after the sun had gone down it had gotten much colder. What’s worse, the wind had picked up and was now blowing a relentless thirty or forty mile an hour. I was suddenly aware that all of my clothes, including my jacket and winter deel, were on the camels that now appeared to have run away. I checked my thermometer. The temperature had already fallen to 20º F. Within a few minutes I was shaking uncontrollably from with cold. I had to get a fire going. Fortunately I had matches and a candle in my vest pocket. I had used them to start the fire at lunch. I huddled in the lee side of a big saxual bush and using some pages ripped out of my notebook for tinder finally got a fire going. Besides keeping me warm I hoped the fire would serve as a beacon for our now dispersed group. I shouted again and still no reply. What in the name of all that’s holy had happened to everyone?

Suddenly I saw a tiny light out in the darkness beyond the fire. I knew Mojik had a flashlight with her. I shouted again and she answered. Soon she materialized out of the dark carrying one of our water cans. The top had come off and there was only three or four liters of water in the can. She said one of the pack camels had thrown its load, including our water, and she had been only been able to find one of the cans, and this one was nearly empty. This was not good news. It was over forty miles back to the last water at Otgonii Bulag and over a sixty miles to the next water at Shar Khuls. Then Uyanga appeared out the darkness. Her camel had run away and then thrown her off, but she was okay. She had stumbled upon one of the thrown off loads in the dark and found the other two water cans. They were still full. So we had water. But the other two pack camels had run off with their loads, which included all of our cloths, tents, sleeping bags, cooking gear, and most of our food. Tsogoo and Sükhee had ridden off in the dark to look for them.

We huddled by the fire waiting for them to return. They showed up about an hour later. Two pack camels had thrown their loads and one had apparently ran off with its load. We had two cans of water, our meat but no other food, the camel men’s tent, and my two carpets. Our clothes, the rest of the tents, our sleeping bags, and our cooking gear were gone. The camels, Tsogoo said, would probably return by themselves to his ger, some eighty miles to the north. Our only hope was that the third camel had also thrown its load and we would be able to find it the next morning. Tsogoo himself did not look good. I knew he had gotten at least a bloody nose when he had been thrown off his camel. Now he thinks he broke one or two of his ribs.

For now we have to rest. The wind is still blowing thirty or forty miles an hour, but we finally manage to get Sükhee’s tent set up. All five of us crawl in the two man tent. The door zipper had broken seasons ago so the tent is open on one side. The camel men and the girls had their deels and I covered myself with a carpet. By curing up in a fetal position I was just able to keep myself warm enough to fall into a fitful sleep.

I automatically woke up at my usual time, just before daybreak. The strong wind had completely blown out the fire and there were no coals. I tried again to get a fire going with paper from my notebook but my hands were shaking so bad I could not strike the matches. Soon I was shivering uncontrollably. Then Uyanga appeared. She was still wearing her deel and was not as cold as I was. She finally managed to get the fire going. As soon as my shivering stopped I went out and gathered big armloads of saxual wood and soon we had a huge bonfire blazing. Tsogoo and Sükhee finally got up. Tsogoo’s face was gray and he hunched by the fire without saying anything. He was clearly in pain.

The situation looked grim. We had only one tent, no sleeping bags, no cooking gear, no food beside meat, no warm clothes, Tsogoo was hurt, and it was sixty-two miles back to our starting point. If we went back we would have to spend at least three more nights without sleeping bags or warm clothes. And we had no way to cook, not even to heat water. Finally Tsogoo rallied and he and Sükhee rode off to look for the missing load. We did find a tin cup in which we were able to heat water. We had meat, but no knife. Uyanga tore off some chunks of meat and broiled them on stick. Hot water and barbecue for breakfast. I asked what had happened the night before. Mojik thinks a pack may have dropped off one of the loads into the tightly grouped bunch of camels. This spooked at least one of the camels and it spooked the rest. Then they all stampeded.
Uyanga barbecuing some mutton for breakfast
Mojik surveying the wreakage of our camp
Tsogoo and Sükhee returned at ten o’clock. They had found one of the camels with its load still on. The other two camels were gone and would presumably return by themselves to Tsogoo’s ger. So we now had all of our gear back. But we still had a big problem. Tsogoo collapsed in a heap beside the fire. His face was the color of ashes and there was a ring of dried foam around his mouth. He could barely talk. He said he was almost sure he had cracked one or more of his ribs. Well, I thought, we will have to return, and even that is going to be a grueling trip for Tsogoo. Uyanga busied herself cooking and we had a big hot lunch of boiled sheep ribs and potatoes and a couple of pots of invigorating Puerh tea. Finally Tsogoo said we should pack up and get going. Where are we going, I asked? First to Shar Khuls and then to Ülzii Bilegt, like we had planned, he answered. What about your ribs? I asked. He shrugged and said he would okay. He explained that we would divide all of our gear between the one remaining pack camel and the riding camels. Then he would ride on top of the load on the pack camel. That way we could proceed with six camels instead of eight. Would we have enough water to get Shar Khuls, fifty miles south of here, I wondered? No problem, said Tsogoo. I realized then that Tsogoo belonged to the Old School of Camel Men. He had contracted to take me to Ülzii Bilegt and he wasn’t going to turn back just because of a couple of cracked ribs. We loaded the camels and by one o’clock were once again heading south.
Heading south with six camels instead of eight

Sunday, December 2, 2007

Mongolia | Gov-Altai Aimag | More Accounts of Dambijantsan

After riding through the Otgon Mountains we enter a vast expanse of level desert covered with saxual bushes. Soon we stop for lunch and make tea. I brew up a a large pot of Lapsang Souchong. Tsogoo was right; the water from Otgonii Bulag is excellent. Very soft, with no mineralization at all. At first Tsogoo and Sükhee had told me that they had of course heard of Dambijantsan but that they knew very little if anything about his activities in the Gov-Altai region. But slowly, as we drink tea around the campfire, they start to remember a few things.

Sükhee was born near Maikhan Uul, twenty-five or so miles west of here. He says that there is a well there known on maps as Maikhany Khudag. Some local people, however, call it Dambijantsan’s Well. Some old people in the area say that Dambijantsan either dug this well or enlarged the already existing well. We also discussed caravan routes. As Shukhee in Shinejinst had told me, there used to be several caravan routes from the village of Tsogt, which we had driven through earlier, to Dambijantsan’s fortress at Gongpochuan in China. One of the routes, Tsogoo now thinks, went past Maikhan Well, then south pass Atas Bogd Uul and on to Gongpochuan. There was also a more easterly caravan route from Tsogt to Shar Khuls, then past Ülzii Bilegt and on to Gongpochuan. This is the route we are now on.
Mojik mounting up after lunch
After lunch we ride on. In the distance can be seen the black ridges of the Buuriin Khyar Uul Tsogoo says we told try to cross this mountains before dark.
Buuriin Khyar Uul in the distance
As our camels resume their stately pace I review in my mind what I know about Dambijantsan. Despite a plethora of writings about him the details remain vague. Dambijantsan always remained a mystery even to those who knew him. The Mongolian lama known as the Diluv Khutagt was six years old when he first met Dambijantsan, would encounter him many times in later life, and was eventually involved in the plot to assassinate him. Of the few Mongolians who left written accounts the Diluv Khutagt probably knew Dambijantsan best. In his Autobiography he includes an entire chapter on him, the only individual to warrant such attention, and yet even to him the Ja Lama remained an enigma. “He called himself a lama, but nobody knew if he really was one,” the Diluv Khutagt noted, “No one knew his real age. No one knew the real truth about him.”

The Russian I. M. Maiskii visited Mongolia in 1919, traveled to Khovd and Uvs aimags when Dambijantsan was still alive—at this time probably living at his fortress at Gongpochuan in Gansu Province, China—and interviewed several people who knew the mysterious lama. Maiskii then inserted an entire chapter about Dambijantsan into his report about of the mission, Sovremenennaia Mongoliia (Contemporary Mongolia), which was otherwise a mundane collection of economical statistics, census reports, and brief essays on the then-current political situation. As in the Diluv Khutagt’s Autobiography, Dambijantsan was the only individual to merit his own chapter. “The story of his man is obscure in many details so that to construct his complete biography is hardly possible at the moment, but I have managed to learn the following facts about him,” Maiskii begins.

As mentioned, at this time Dambijantsan was holed up in his fortress at Gongpochuan, and Maiskii was unable to get any information about his current activities. Maiskii suspected, however, that the lack of news was just the lull before the storm.
“But there is hardly a doubt that this is only a temporary stage in the stormy career of the ambitious monk. No one in Mongolia believes that his inactivity will last long. But he is keeping out of sight, like a cat, waiting for the right moment to make his leap. Who knows, we may very well hear about this man again. Who knows what role he is destined yet to play in Mongolian history.”
If the Diluv Khutagt, who actually knew Dambijantsan, and Maiskii, researching while he was still alive, were unable to unravel the enigma surrounding him, then those who came later, after his death, and tried to make an account of Dambijantsan’s life had an much harder task. George Roerich, son of famous artist, mystic, and Shambhalist Nicholas Roerich, attempted to gather information about Dambijantsan during his travels through Mongolia and China in 1927, and noted:
“His life is veiled in mystery and no one knows exactly where he came from or what his ambitions were. It is extremely difficult to piece together all the existing information about his life, so varied were his activities and so extensive were his travels. The arena of his activity was the whole of Asia, from Astrakhan to Peking and from Urga to distant India. I succeeded in collecting information about him and his life from Mongolian and Tibetan lamas and laymen whom fate brought into contact with the dreaded warrior-priest. This singular personality for some thirty-five years hypnotized the whole of Greater Mongolia. At present, some six years after the death of the man, Mongols feel an unholy dread of him, and worship him as a militant incarnation of one of their national leaders.“
George Roerich’s arguably more famous father Nicholas noted in his own book about the expedition: “Ja-Lama was no ordinary bandit . . . What thoughts and dreams fretted the gray head of Ja-Lama? . . . All through the Central Gobi, the legend of Ja-Lama will persist for a long time. What a scenario for a moving picture!”

Indeed, a movie was eventually made about Dambijantsan, and it is still occasionally shown on the Mongolian State TV.

The famous Mongolist Owen Lattimore also tried to gather information on Dambijantsan’s life. In 1926 he journeyed on the so-called Winding Road caravan route which went past Dambijantsan’s Fortress at Gongpochuan. In The Desert Road to Turkestan, his book about the trip, he included an entire chapter about Dambijantsan. As in the books of Diluv Khutagt, Maiskii, and George Roerich, Dambijantsan was the only individual to merit such attention. Lattimore noted:
“Already the legend of the False Lama has been elaborated beside the tent fires into many versions, but from the choice of details it is possible to throw together a picture with life in it, of an adventurer who, during those years when Mongolia echoed again with the drums and tramplings of its mediaeval turbulence, proved himself a valiant heir in his day to all the Asiatic soldiers of fortune from Jenghis Khan to Yakub Beg of Kashgar.”
Lattimore intended to write a full length biography of Dambijantsan, but for reasons unclear this project never materialized. His chapter about Dambijantsan in The Desert Road to Turkestan, entitled “The House of the False Lama,” has served as the inspiration for a recent book, Beyond the House of the False Lama, by George Crane.

Wednesday, November 21, 2007

Mongolia | Gov-Altai Aimag | Amursana: Last Great Oirat Hero

As we have seen from Pozdneev’s account, Dambijantsan styled himself first as the grandson of Amursana, who lead the last great Mongol uprising against the Qing Dynasty, and later as Amursana’s incarnation. This was clearly a ploy to place himself in the ranks of the great fighters for Mongolian independence and enhance his standing among the Mongols in general and the Western Mongols in particular.

Amursana was a son of a Khoit nobleman. The Khoit were a minor tribe subordinate to the Dörböts (the tribe to which Dambijantsan belonged), themselves subordinate to the Zungars, who under Khara Khula had claimed control over the Oirats as a whole. The rise of the Zungars to prominence in the Oirat confederation is one reason that some Dörböts choose to emigrate to the Caspian Steppes, where they became part of the larger grouping known as Kalmyks. Thus by claiming to be an incarnation of Amursana Dambijantsan was realigning himself with the Oirats who had remained behind in Inner Asia.

Amursana mother was Boitalak, the daughter of Tsewang Araptan, taishi (chieftain) of the Zungars after the death of his uncle Galdan Bolshigt. Boitalak had earlier, in 1714, married Danjung, the eldest son of Latsang Khan. Danjung was killed around 1717. Boitalak eventually married a taishi from the Khoit tribe and Amursana, born in 1723, was the fruit of this coupling. The Qing emperor Qianlong would later maliciously suggest that Amursana was conceived before Boitalak’s second marriage and thus being illegitimate could not himself claim to be taishi of the Khoits. Qianlong was certainly not an unbiased observer, and most historians have dismissed this slur.

Amursana would have been twenty-two when Galdan Tseren, the ruler of the Zungar khanate, transmigrated in the early fall of 1745. In his last years Galdan Tseren— please don’t confuse him with Galdan Bolshigt—laid claim to over 200,000 families, and the Zungarian khanate was still a force to be reckoned with in the politics of Inner Asia, posing a constant threat to the borderlands of both China and Russia. In his will Galdan Tseren passed over his oldest son, nineteen year-old Lama Darja—who was considered illegitimate by some—and named his second son, fourteen year-old Tsewang Dorje Namjar as his successor. The boy soon revealed himself to be a notorious n’er-do-well. Damchø Gyatsho Dharmatāla, in his Rosary of White Lotus, Being a Clear Account of How the Precious Teachings of Buddha Appeared in the Great Hor Country, a monumental nineteenth-century history of Buddhism in Mongolia, states that Tsewang Dorje Namjar’s “favorite ways were to roam around in the villages, drinking chang [barley beer], seducing girls and indulging in carnal pleasures.” Even the staid, sober-minded author of Tsewang Dorje Namjar’s entry in the encyclopedic Eminent Chinese of the Ch’ing Period points out that he was “more interested in killing dogs than attending to affairs of state.” Finally fed up by his antics, in 1750 a group of noblemen led by his older brother Lama Darja seized him, put out his eyes, and sent him to Aksu, on the northern edge of the Tarim Basin in what is now Xinjiang, where he was held captive and eventually executed.

Lama Darja became the new Zungar taishi. His new position was precarious; the Oirats nobles despised him because of his low birth—his mother had apparently been a commoner with whom Galdan Tseren had coupled with only briefly. Soon a plot was spawned to depose him and place his remaining younger brother Tzyevyen Dashi, perhaps nine years old at the time, on the throne. Davatsi, the leader of the conspirators was the grandson of the famous—in Tibet notorious—Cheren Dondub, a general who under the command of Tsewang Araptan invaded Tibet in 1717 and trashed numerous Red Hat (Nyingma) monasteries, including Dorje Drak and Mindroling. When I visited Dorje Drak, on the north side of the Tsangpo River, between Chitishö and Dranang, in 2003, the monks there were still grousing about this Oirat incursion, even though the monastery which had been rebuilt after its destruction by Cheren Dondub was in turn destroyed by the Red Guards in the late 1960s. The current monastery was rebuilt yet again after that.

The plots was soon revealed and Lama Darja and Davatsi came to blows. Davatsi was quickly defeated and with only about a dozen followers—among them Amursana—fled westward to the Kazakh steppes, where they found refuge among the Kazakh Middle Horde led by Sultan Ablai. The Sultan, perceiving that a civil war between the two Zungar factions would inevitably weaken the khanate, and thus be to the advantage of the Kazakhs, encouraged the two rebels, even giving Amursana one of his daughters as a wife. The emboldened Amursana soon sneaked back to the Tarbagatai Mountain region north of Ili where his tribe the Khoit were living and managed to round up an army of a thousand men. This force, along with some Kazakh troops sent along by the Sultan to aid the rebellion, marched on Ili, where Lama Darja was holed up, caught him by surprise, and on January 13, 1752, dispatched him to the Heavenly Fields. The little boy Tzyevyen Dashi, in whose name the banner of revolt had been raised, was now bypassed, and Davatsi himself—who was after all a direct descendant of great Baatar, founder of the Zungar Khanate—assumed the title of taishi of the Zungars.

Davatsi, however, proved to “a drunken and incompetent ruler,” as one commentator has described him, and he and Amursana soon fell out. There were rumors that Amursana demanded that he and Davatsi divide the rule of the Zungars between them, a proposal which Davatsi flatly rejected. Davatsi was the descendant of the great Baatar; Amursana the son of a minor Khoit nobleman. There was no question of them sharing power as equals. Very quickly the two became deadly enemies. In 1754 Amursana, along with a following of some five thousand soldiers and 20,000 women and children, broke away from the Zungarians under Davatsi and fled to Khalkh Mongolia, since 1691 ruled by the Qing Dynasty. Here he himself, like Zanabazar in 1691, swore allegiance to the Qing emperor, in this case Qianlong. Forgotten, as least for the time being, was the traditional enmity between the Zungars and the Qing. It was the Qing under emperor Kangxi who of course had hounded to his death the greatest Zungarian Khan of all, Galdan Bolshigt. In light of later events, it would appear that Amursana was just biding his time, using the Qing for protection against Davatsi, until he could himself return to Zungaria and seize control of the khanate. For the moment however Amursana appeared to be a devoted Qing subject. With the ostensibly loyal Amursana now in his pocket Qianlong saw at long last a way of finally ridding himself of the Zungars and extending the Qing empire westward into what is now the province of Xinjiang. He, the loyal grandson, would complete the task began by Kangxi and finally subdue the Zungars, the last large group of nomads on China’s borders still maintaining their independence. Ironically, a Oirat, Amursana, was the key to his plans.

To further solidify Amursana’s new-found loyalty to the Qing the emperor Qianlong granted him and his followers land along the Orkhon River, in current day Övörkhangai Aimag, then invited him down to Beijing, where he was declared a prince of the first degree. Then in 1755 Qianlong appointed him as assistant commander of the so-called Northern Route Army, under the overall command of Bandi, an Eastern Mongol of Chingis Khan’s own Borjid clan who had held numerous important posts in the Qing administration. The army, which numbered about 100,000, was made up in large part of Khalkh Mongolians, and the Khalkh had to furnish most of the horses, food, and other supplies for the force. This was the army which would be sent to subdue the Zungarians. Thus Qianlong was using the Eastern Mongols to rid himself of the Western Mongols.

The Northern Route Army left Uliastai, then one of the Qing headquarters in Mongolia (capital of current-day Zavkhan Aimag), in March of 1755 and by early summer had linked up with the Western Route Army, also numbering about 100,000 and under the command of General Yung-ch’ang. The Qing army with its contingents of Mongols then marched on Ili, the headquarters of Davatsi. ”They met little or no resistance and took Ili without fighting. Most Sungars [sic] simply surrendered,” notes one historian. Davatsi and a band of followers finally confronted the Qing army south of Ili on June 20 but were quickly defeated. Davatsi himself escaped over the Tian Shan Mountains and hid out for awhile in Kashgar, on the western edge of the Tarim Basin. The Moslem beg of Kashgar, divining which way the wind was blowing and not wishing to alienate the Qing, seized Davatsi and turned him over to Amursana in July of 1757.

That should have been the end of the Zungar taishi. Qianlong, however, realizing that he had a valuable pawn on his hands, had Davatsi brought to Beijing where he was ceremoniously paraded as a captive. Then Qianlong granted him a princedom of the first degree and a mansion in Kalgan, on the edge Mongolian Plateau north of Beijing, to reside in. Despite his title and comfortable accommodations he was now of course totally powerless. Free to devote himself to his favorite pastime, drinking, he died four years later, in 1759, but his descendants were honored with the rank of hereditary prince of the fourth degree.
Painting of Amursana in Khovd Aimag Museum, Khovd City
Meanwhile, Amursana was not playing the role Qianlong had designed for him. Qianlong had insinuated that after Davatsi had been defeated each of the Oirat tribes would be allowing to live on their traditional lands under a ruler appointed by the Qing emperor. Amursana, in reward for his part in defeating Davatsi, was appointed ruler of the Khoits, answerable of course to the Qing emperor. But now suddenly Amursana revealed his much greater ambitions. Why should he now be satisfied with ruling only the Khoits, a minor tribe in the Oirat confederation? He had helped the Qing defeat the Zungars, who had previously been the dominant power among the Oirats, so why shouldn’t he be the new ruler of the all of the Oirat tribes, including the Zungars? Making no secret of his ambitions he told Bandi, the commander of the Northern Route, to inform Qianlong in Beijing that he demanded to be made overall ruler of the Oirats. Informed of Amursana’s presumptuous demands, Qianlong ordered that he be seized and brought to Beijing. Apparently Bandi did take Amursana into custody, but on September 24, 1755, he escaped to the Kazakh steppe and sought refuge with his father-in-law Sultan Ablai.

Believing that the Zungars and been conquered, and that Amursana himself, in exile in the Kazakh steppe, no longer posed a threat, Qianlong ordered most of the 200,000-man Qing army, which was costing a fortune to maintain in Zungaria, back to China, leaving only a small detachment with General Bandi. But Qianlong had seriously under-estimated Amursana’s resilience. From his bolt hole in the Kazakh steppe he sneaked back into Zungaria, rallied the Oirat princes to his side, and incited a general rebellion. The small Qing detachment left behind in Zungaria proved to be no match for the newly reunited Oirats under Amursana. On October 4, 1755, acknowledging his hopeless position, Bandi, commander of the Qing troops, committed suicide. Amursana took control of Ili and laid claim to all of Zungaria. Very quickly he had realized his dream of being the independent ruler of the Oirats. On February 17, 1756 his followers named him the new Zungarian Khan.

Qianlong could not allow this assault to the dignity of the Qing Dynasty to stand. A new Qing army was dispatched to Zungaria and once again Qianlong promised the rulers of Oirat tribes who submitted him that they would be allowing to retain their positions if they recognized Qing suzerainty. Ili fell to the formidable new Qing army in late March of 1756, but Amursana yet again managed to flee to Kazakhstan. Despite the entreaties of Qianlong, the Kazakh ruler Ablai refused to seize Amursana and hand him over. Infuriated that Amursana had been allowed to escape, Qianlong dismissed the generals of the army and had most of the troops brought back to China. Apparently believing that the Oirats had now, once and for all, been crushed, Qianlong withdrew his army, leaving, as before, only a small detachment in Ili.

Like some irrepressible jack-in-the-box Amursana popped up yet in again in Zungaria, yet again rallied the Oirat princes, and in late 1757 yet again took retook Ili. Qianlong must have been beside himself; three times he thought the Oirats had been defeated; and each time they had managed to regroup and defy Qing authority. And now not only was Zungaria in revolt, but Mongolians in Mongolia itself, Qing territory since 1691, were opening opposing the Qing.

The situation in Khalkh Mongolia had been deteriorating for several years. The country had been stripped of the able-bodied men who had been sent to fight in Zungaria and impoverished by the huge amounts of horses, meat, butter and other supplies that had been requisitioned for the Qing armies. Then in the winter of 1755–56 disastrous zuds, winter ice and snow storms which prevent livestock from grazing, had hit, impoverishing many herdsmen, and on top of this a small-pox epidemic had broken out. Morale was at an all-time low when word came that in Zungaria Amursana had raised the banner of revolt against the Qing Dynasty. Disaffected elements among the Khalkh Mongols soon followed his example.

Amursana had apparently laid the groundwork for this uprising while in Mongolia helping to organize the Northern Route Army, further evidence that he had planned in advance to defect from his Qing overlords once Davatsi had been defeated. He had met with Khan Chingünjav and a nobleman named Rinchindorj and attempted to coordinate uprisings against the Qing in both Zungaria and Khalkh Mongolia. The Khalkh side of the plot was soon exposed and orders were issued for the arrest of the conspirators. Chingunjav escaped but several others were seized. The rebels were taken to Beijing where they were tortured and then publicly executed. To further drive his point home, Qianlong had both the Second Bogd Gegeen and the Tüsheet Khan brought to Beijing to witness the executions. The Second Bogd Gegeen (1724–1757), son of Dondovdorj, Zanabazar’s nephew, was forced to watch his own brother die at the hand of Qing executioners.

Qianlong had meant to impress upon the Mongolians the price to be paid for rebellion against the Qing and thus ensure their good behavior, but his actions had an entirely opposite effect. Word of the executions soon reached Mongolia, along with the rumor that the Qing intended to imprison the Bogd Gegeen in China, and in response still more insurrections broke out. Qianlong had to dispatch the Bogd Gegeen and the Tüsheet Khan back to Mongolia with orders that they to quell the disturbances, but already events had overtaken them.

In the summer of 1756 Chingünjav sent a letter to Qianlong formally renouncing his allegiance to the Qing Dynasty. With a initial army of about 2,000 men he set up headquarters near Lake Khövsgöl, near the Russian border in what is now Khövsgöl Aimag, and from there appealed to other Mongols khans to join his revolt. He also sought aid the Russians, apparently promising to switch allegiance from the Qing Dynasty to the Russian Czar in exchange for help in ousting the Qing from Mongolia. Initially there were uprisings all over Mongolia and numerous Qing outposts and post stations were overrun. Flush with early successes Chingünjav attempted to organize a convocation of Mongol noblemen in Örgöö where Mongolian independence would be declared. But soon the reality of what they were doing began to sink in, and many noblemen got cold feet. The Qianlong emperor was still capable of sending enormous armies, now equipped with muskets and cannon, to Mongolia to put down the insurrectionists, and many nobleman had become quite comfortable with the perks they were receiving from the Qing government. Most crucially, the Second Bogd Gegeen refused to support the insurrection. To isolate even further the Bogd Gegeen from the rebels a detachment of Qing troops put him under virtual house arrest. As Russian diplomat who was negotiating with the rebels at the time put it, “Where the Jebsundamba Khutukhtu is, there is Mongolia, and where Mongolia is, there, too, is the Jebsundamba Khutukhtu.” Without the support of the Bogd Gegeen the revolt was doomed.

Malcontent Mongols at the time may have muttered, “Of course the Bogd Gegeen supports the Qing; his mother was a Manchu.” The Manchus were of course the founders of the Qing Dynasty, and the grumblers would have been referring to Khichenguy Amarlinguy, a.k.a. The Peaceful Princess, who according to some accounts was the Manchu Emperor Kangxi’s own daughter (he had a lot and it was not doubt hard to keep track) and thus Qianglong’s great-aunt, or according to other versions a daughter of a first degree Qing prince. It can be said for sure that she was Qing nobility. The dates are muddled, but apparently Kangxi gave Khichenguy Amarlinguy in marriage to Zanabazar’s nephew Dondovdorj in 1697.

Dondovdorj became the Tüsheet Khan upon the death of his father Chakhuundorj, Zanabazar’s brother. He was a gay-blade who liked women and booze and even wrote poetry, perhaps a suitable occupation for a scribbling hanger-on in an khan’s entourage but hardly suitable for a khan himself. After various indiscretions involving the wives of other Mongolian noblemen—there is no word of scraps with other poets—he was finally forced to step down as Tüsheet Khan, yielding the throne to a relative. But he was not without his martial qualities and he went on to distinguish himself on the battlefield against the Zungarian Mongols lead by Galdan Bolshigt’s nephew Tsevan Ravdan. When Kangxi died in 1772 Zanabazar traveled from Mongolia to Beijing to pay his respects. In his entourage was Dondovdorj, his earlier indiscretions forgiven or forgotten.

While in Beijing, Zanabazar, divining which way the wind was blowing in post-Kangxi China and sensing his own mortality, issued some instructions on how to find his reincarnation. Dondovdorj should take as a wife, Zanabazar hinted, a Mongolian woman born in the year of the monkey or chicken and have a son by her. The boy would be the 17th incarnation of Javzandamba, just as Zanabazar was the 16th.

Dondovdorj rushed straight back to Mongolia, apparently with Khichenguy Amarlinguy in tow (and perhaps with another Manchu wife he had picked up on this trip) and married a Mongolian woman named Tsagaan-Dara-Bayartu who had been born in the year of the monkey. Zanabazar died under cloudy circumstances in Beijing in 1723. In 1724, “at daybreak on the first day of the middle of the spring moon in the Wood Dragon Year” a son was born to Dondovdorj. This boy, Luvsundandidomne, became the Second Bogd Gegeen.

Most sources say Dondovdorj’s Mongolian wife Tsagaan-Dara-Bayartu was the mother of the Second Bogd Gegeen. Yet there are legends which persist down to this day that the boy’s mother was in fact Khichenguy Amarlinguy. There are any number of variants to this tale, but one maintains that both Khichenguy Amarlinguy and Tsagaan-Dara-Bayartu had a baby around this time and that the babies were switched in their cradles so that the Manchu princess’s baby could be recognized as Bogd Gegeen. A thangka now in the Zanabazar Art Museum in Ulaan Baatar shows a woman who some monks identify as Khichenguy Amarlinguy holding the baby Bogd. This thangka, they now claim, was produced to memorialize the true story of the Bogd Gegeen’s antecedents.

In any case, Khichenguy Amarlinguy came to love her adopted country. She considered herself a Mongolian and stated that he want to be buried in Mongolia: “It is not necessary to take my corpse back to China. I became a Mongol person because of being the wife of a Mongol. It is thus necessary to bury me in Mongolia.” Her wishes were honored and after she died a temple to house her remains was built near the headwaters of a tributary of the Terelj River about thirty-six miles north of Ulaan Baatar. In the mid-nineteen thirties her tomb was dug up by thieves looking for gold statues and other valuables believed to be buried with her. Her body was burned and the exposed ashes eventually blew away. The temple, known as Günjin Süm, or the Temple of the Peaceful Princess, was heavily damaged, but the ruins have became a popular pilgrim and tourist destination.

With support among the Mongol nobility having faded away, and the Bogd Gegeen uncooperative, Chingunjav’s revolt failed and he himself attempted to escape to Russia. North of Lake Khövsgöl he and his party stopped to camp, believing they were safely across the Russian border. A detachment of Qing troops caught up with the party early in January of 1757 and claiming that they was still on Mongolian territory seized Chingunjav and his sons. They were taken to Beijing and subjected to torture. According to legends now retold in Mongolia, large coins with a square hole in the middle were heated until they were red-hot and then placed on Chingunjav’s back. When his seared flesh rose up through the holes in the coins it was slashed off with a razor. After these excruciating tortures he was executed in March 2, 1757.
Painting of Chingunjav in Khovd Aimag Museum, Khovd City
Chingunjav remains a hero to this day among many Mongolians for his for his ultimately quixotic stand against the Qing. At least he had stood up to the oppressors, unlike other Mongolian noblemen who were more interested in saving their Qing-granted titles and perquisites. When I was researching my book on Zanabazar, the first Bogd Gegeen of Mongolia, I was told by numerous informants that Galdan Bolshigt, the Oirat, and Chingunjav, the Khalkh, were true warriors who had fought for Mongolia while others, for instance Zanabazar himself and his relative the Second Bogd Gegeen, were wimps who had only caved in to the Qing.

A monument north of Lake Khövsgöl now marks the spot where Chingunjav was arrested. The monument is now on Mongolian territory, but local people still claim that back then it was Russian territory and thus Chingunjav had been illegally seized. There is also now a street in Ulaan Baatar named after Chingunjav. But while Galdan Bolshigt has had a brand of vodka named after him—the ultimate accolade in modern-day Mongolia—to my knowledge Chingunjav has not yet been accorded this honor.

As for the Second Bogd Gegeen, he died in late 1757 at the age of thirty-three, apparently while still under house arrest. Although in the final showdown he had sided with the Qing, or at the very least simply refused to encourage the insurrectionists, he may still have incurred the displeasure of Qianlong. There are persistence rumors that he was assassinated by Qianlong’s order. Maybe Qianlong got the idea from his father Yongzheng, who according to legend had Zanabazar, the First Bogd Gegeen, assassinated at the Yellow Temple in Beijing in 1723.

While he was putting down the rebels in Mongolia Qianlong had by no means ignored the situation in Zungaria. By November of 1757 he had amassed an immense army of some 400,000 men and sent it west to finally, at long last, once and for all, deal with the incurably rebellious Amursana and the Zungars. He had also found an unlikely ally in his battle against the Zungars—Kelsang Gyatso, the Seventh Dalai Lama of Tibet. According to one historian, “[Qianlong] asked him to use his religious influence among the Oirats to rouse them to the Chinese cause and to forsake Amursana. This the Dalai Lama willingly did. He asked the Oirats to stay loyal to the Chinese as part of their religious duties.” This was quite a turnaround from the days of the 5th Dalai Lama, who had been put on the throne of Tibet by the Oirat chieftain Güüsh Khan, and who had whole-heartedly backed his one-time disciple Galdan Bolshigt, ruler of the Zungarian Empire (it was the Great 5th, it will be remembered who gave Galdan his title of Bolshigt, or Khan by Divine Grace). First the Second Bogd Gegeen had refused to back the Khalkh rebels against the Qing, and now the Dalai Lama was throwing his support to the Qing against the Zungars. Those who were reading the tea leaves of Inner Asian destiny must have divined that the days of independent Mongol khanates were very quickly coming to an end.

The huge Qing army had no trouble seizing Ili and had soon subduing most of the Oirats, except of course for Amursana. With a mere 2500 soldiers he left made a last-ditch stand against a detachment of the Qing soldiers, holding them at bay for seventeen days. Then around the end of June the ever-elusive Amursana simply disappeared. Not until November 1st of 1757 did the Qing authorities find out that he had absconded to Russia.

It turned out that after disappearing from Zungaria Amursana had fled west with about of 4000 followers, many of them woman and children. His father-in-law and erstwhile protector Sultan Ablai of the Kazakh Middle Horde had himself just recognized the authority of the Qing Dynasty and was under strict orders not to aide Amursana. He could expect to find no quarter there. Instead he fled to Russia, where he sought asylum from the authorities at the fortress of Semipalatsinsk. He was then taken to Tobolsk, in western Siberia, where he fell ill to small pox. The great warrior transmigrated on September 21, 1757, finally laid low not by the might of the Qing Empire but by a virus. He was only thirty-five at the time, but no one could say that his short life had been uneventful. He had stood up time and time again to the greatest power in East Asia and in the end had eluded capture. He would never be paraded as a prisoner before the jeering throngs in Beijing like Davatsi, or tortured to death like Chingunjav. He would became a fitting exemplar for Dambijantsan, the Dörböt from the Caspian Steppe who had his own grudge against the Qing.

Not convinced that Amursana had used up his nine lives Qianlong demanded that the Russian officials return his body to China so that he could make sure the surly insurgent was truly dead. The Russians refused to hand other the body. Instead they offered to take it to Selenginsk, in Siberia, just north of the Russian-Mongolian border, and allow Qing officials to examine it there. Qianlong became virtually unhinged by his failure to get his hands on Amursana alive or dead. Throwing a furious fit, he halted all trade between China and Russia through Mongolia and even threatened to send an army north into Siberia to smote the insolent Russians. This threat was taken quite seriously. A fortress wall was built on the exposed side of Irkutsk, then the capital of Eastern Siberia, located at the confluence of the Irkutsk and Angara rivers below Lake Baikal, in anticipation of a Qing attack. The wall is long gone, but its former path is now taken by one of Irkutsk’s main streets. By March of 1758 Qianlong had cooled down. The more diplomatic-minded members of his court finally arranged for a delegation of Manchus, Chinese, and Mongols to go to Selenginsk and examine the body. They determined that is was indeed the earthly coil of Amursana. The question of Amursana was settled, but the Oirats of Zungaria who had revolted time and time again against the Qing were just beginning to receive their chastisement.

Qianlong’s retaliation against the Oirats was an early precursor to what is now called ethnic cleansing. For two years Qing soldiers tracked down every Oirat man, woman, and child they could find and killed them. They also burned all yurts they found and killed all Oirat livestock. Figures vary, but according to some sources from 500,00 to 600,000 people died in this holocaust. Some may have succumbed to illnesses like small pox which swept through the decimated population. Others managed to escape to Russia, where they were granted asylum. Again figures vary, but in the end maybe ten percent of the original Oirat population survived the onslaught. One historian puts it succinctly, “As a political entity the Zunghar khanate went out of existence forever.”

Huge swaths of Inner Asia steppe had been depopulated by the extinction of the Zungar khanate. Some areas were given to faithful Qing subjects from Mongolia and Manchuria. Ironically, many the Kalmyks who took part in the Great Exodus of 1771 from the Caspian Steppe back to China also ended up on the lands vacated by the extermination of their relatives, the Oirats.

Although Amursana may have lived on in the minds of many of the surviving Oirats as a hero he was eventually portrayed as an arch-villain even among Eastern Mongols, some of whom had for a brief moment in time joined up with him in revolt against the Qing. Dharmatala, the Mongolian author of the above-mentioned Rosary of White Lotuses, first published in 1889—coincidently the year Dambijantsan first arrived in Mongolia— refers to Amursana a “man of evil.”. Although a Mongolian, Dharmatala was loyal to the Qing Dynasty—or at least was not going to say anything bad about the Qing in print—which then ruled Mongolia, and could be expected to take the Qing line regarding the Oirats. Thus he was just echoing Qianlong on Amursana. According to Dharmatala, in his Rosary of White Lotuses, the emperor had proclaimed:
There will be no more disturbances in this land {Zungaria], and all its nobles and commoners are to remember to keep the path of peace. The deeds of that evil man [Amursana] destroyed the kingdom and made it desolate. If even his bare name be mentioned—him who caused so much harm to so many—it will bring no good, and therefore his name is not to be uttered ever again.
Not content with just degrading Amursana, Dharmatala assigns mystical powers to Qianlong:

In the old days there were no rains in Hothon [roughly the old territory of Zungarians, especially the Zungarian depression], but after the Emperor [Qianlong] entered the country he issued the following order to the Nāgas:
“‘From now on, all the rains, storms, thunders etc. [in Zungaria] must follow the patterns of my own country!’ Thus the land became indistingable from China; the whole Hothon resounded in fear and wonder!”
Nāgas, it should be pointed out, are serpent-like being who in Buddhist mythology rule the underworld and watery realms, thus influencing the weather. Thus Qianlong had come to rule not only the territory of Hothon—Zungaria—but also the realms of mythical beings! And twenty-first century travelers to China’s western-most province of Xinjiang, part of which is made up of Dharmatala’s “Hothon,” might well agree that it is now largely indistinguishable from the rest of China.

So ends of the tale of Amursana, leader of the last great Mongol uprising against the Qing Dynasty. Curiously, in all the now-available accounts of Amursana’s life we find no mention of any son named Temüsanu, who Dambijantsan would later claim as his father, as far-fetched chronologically as this may be. Even the relentless researcher Podzneev, who no doubt dug information aplenty on the Oirats, says that Amursana, “supposedly had a son, Temüsanu by name,” as if he himself doubted his existence. We known Amursana married the daughter of Sultan Ablai and he presumably had other wives and various liaisons, but except for an infant son who escaped with him to Russia and reportedly died in a Russian prison in 1804 the record is mum on children. Little matter; Dambijantsan would in any case soon drop the story that he was the grandson of Amursana—that was a little too far-fetched even for credulous Mongolian nomads—and claim instead that he was an incarnation of Amursana. It is very easy to claim you are an incarnation of someone, and very difficult for others to prove conclusively that you are not, making such claims very attractive to someone like Dambijantsan, intent on creating an elaborate mythology about himself.
Statue of Amursana in Khovd City, Khovd Aimag